Map of the Greater
Horn of Africa

Africa Resolution Paper:
The Greater Horn of Africa

Submitted to the Cross Examination Debate Association
May, 2000

Michael A. Krueger, Director of Debate
Drew Butler, Graduate Assistant
Ben Osborne, Graduate Assistant
Terrance Bond, Student
Meg Miedel, Student
Natalie Woodward, Student


        This paper is a collaborative effort, seeking to suggest a particular set of resolutions for the topic committee to consider. It is by no means a final suggestion, and we welcome comments and the incorporation of new ideas. Because of the collaborative nature, there are a variety of writing styles, citation styles, and bibliographic styles found throughout the paper; we apologize for any difficulties with the various styles. Each section has a primary author, with some limited editing by Michael Krueger. Hopefully, this paper will provide the topic committee and the CEDA community grounds for looking to the Greater Horn of Africa as an appropriate area of debate.



Middle Tennessee State University
Murfreesboro, Tennessee

        The Greater Horn of Africa is a part of Africa that is rife with instability and issues. President Clinton has recognized that this area of Africa is indeed filled with problems, and in 1994 proposed a plan of action to better the area. This resulted in the "Greater Horn of Africa Initiative":

The Greater Horn of Africa Initiative is a U.S. Presidential foreign policy initiative launched in 1994 in order to address the recurring cycle of crisis, instability and famine in the Greater Horn of Africa region by improving food security and through the establishment of a system for conflict early warning, prevention and response (http://www.info.usaid.gov/regions/afr/ghai/).

However, the program has not succeeded, in as much as there are still all of the issues at hand that it was intended to solve.
        Currently, USAID reports:

The Horn of Africa is currently facing a humanitarian crisis of serious proportions, primarily due to a severe drought. Factors underlying the crisis include the cumulative effects of poor and unreliable rainfall and other shocks, which have eroded assets and coping strategies in recent years.
The worst drought-affected populations are pastoralists in southern and eastern Ethiopia, southern Somalia, and northern Kenya. Other countries affected by the drought include Eritrea, Djibouti, Sudan, and Uganda. Conflict and insecurity in many of these countries have exacerbated the current humanitarian situation in the Horn of Africa. Ongoing complex emergencies currently exist in Ethiopia/Eritrea (border conflict), Somalia (inter-clan fighting), Sudan (civil conflict), and Uganda (ethnic conflict). Some of the observed impacts of the drought in the Horn of Africa consist of increased stress migration to urban or food secure areas, crop failure, the loss or sale of assets such as live stock, increased food prices coupled with decreased profits from assets, and tensions heightened by lack of basic resources in many areas of these countries (U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), "East Africa; Information On The Drought In The Horn Of Africa," Africa News, May 18, 2000, L/N).

The US response is:

USAID/BHR/OFDA Assistance to the Horn (including Ethiopia)* $14,000,000, USAID/BHR/FFP/ER and USDA humanitarian food assistance to the Horn* $320,200,000
Total USAID and USDA humanitarian assistance to the Horn* $334,200,000
*All funding figures are approximate for FY 2000 to date.
USAID/BHR/FFP and USDA figures include assistance to both drought-affected persons and IDPs/war-affected populations.
Past Factsheets can be obtained from the
USAID web site at: http://www.info.usaid.gov/hum-response/ofda/situation.html
(U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), "East Africa; Information On The Drought In The Horn Of Africa," Africa News, May 18, 2000, L/N)

        In general, issues in the Greater Horn can be divided into three classifications: starvation and disease, civil war and conflict, and water. To demonstrate the magnitude of issues, we will briefly discuss them individually. To begin, starvation and disease are threatening the area. As Charles Cobb reported,

An estimated fifteen million people on the Horn of Africa are at
risk of severe hunger this year warned USAID Administrator Brady Anderson in
Washington, D.C. on Tuesday. Anderson says that "unreliable rainfall has led to
complete crop failure" and significant aid is necessary to prevent famine."
The agency says 545,000 people in Eritrea, 2,744,580 in Kenya, 1,200,000 in
Somalia, 2,400,000 in Sudan, and 730,270 in Uganda are at risk of starvation and
disease ("East Africa Drought Hits the Horn, Famine Threatened," http://allAfrica.com, March 8, 2000).

This is similar to the problems of the 1970s. "The recent and ongoing drought conditions have caused a severe shortage of food, placing over 12 million lives in the Horn of Africa at risk. Relief officials are calling for 940,000 tons of emergency food donations to stave off another nightmare, like that of the early 1970's when many millions of Ethiopians were uprooted and a million others starved to death" ("National Post launches emergency relief effort," Canada NewsWire, April 26, 2000, L/N).
        This is a pretty substantial problem for the Greater Horn, and doesn't really explain all of the implications for the area. Problems of famine don't merely end with people starving; it also influences disease spread and prevention, refugees, animal starvation, and so on. It is not an easy problem to solve either, since the logistics of delivery of food and medicines is highly questionable. "'The road system into the famine area is very questionable,' says Hugh Parmer, administrator of USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian Response. Other uncertainties include port capacities and vehicles to transport aid" (http://www.africanews.org/east/stories/20000308/20000308_feat5.html).
        Civil conflict is the second primary issue confronting many of the people in the Greater Horn of Africa. "[T]his is also a restless continent with more than 12 civil wars in progress -- some a quarter-century old. Apart from these conflicts, there are many more ethnic, tribal and religious clashes which, over the years, have resulted in the loss of millions of lives, severe economic destruction, further poverty and unimaginable misery" (Stam Predrag, "'Children of the abyss': The continent of Africa is in a crucial fight for a brighter future, but it has yet to defeat widespread corruption, disease, poverty and civil war," The Ottawa Citizen, April 22, 2000, L/N). Of course, all of the wars are not in the Greater Horn; however, several are. We will outline each of them in turn. First, there is the conflict in Eritrea and Ethiopia:

Horn of Africa: This region of Africa, traditionally prone to drought, has once again been struck by calamity which is threatening the lives of at least 16 million people in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibuti and Somalia. Ethiopia, the oldest independent state in Africa but also one of the least developed countries on the continent, already faced a humanitarian catastrophe 16 years ago when close to one million of its people died of starvation. The four million people of Eritrea opted for independence, which was declared on May 24, 1993, and Isaias Afworki became the country's first president. These two desperately poor neighbours, after a border dispute, engaged in a bloody war, which has thus far claimed at least 55,000 lives. Almost four years of drought and a never-ending war with Eritrea, which is estimated to cost $1 million U.S. per day, brought Ethiopia, as well as Eritrea, onto Africa's disaster map (Stam Predrag, "'Children of the abyss': The continent of Africa is in a crucial fight for a brighter future, but it has yet to defeat widespread corruption, disease, poverty and civil war," The Ottawa Citizen, April 22, 2000, L/N).

The second area of concern is Somalia/Somaliland:

Ethiopia's first neighbor, Somalia, is another tragic case on the turbulent African continent although it became independent almost four decades ago (through a merger of the British and Italian Somaliland). Different rebel groups successfully ousted the military dictator, Gen. Mohamed Siad Barre on Jan. 21, 1991, but the personal ambitions of the leaders of various sub-clans soon surfaced and a civil war ensued in this country of eight million people. Somalia's war, together with a massive famine, resulted in the deaths of almost 400,000 people and Somalia entered the 21st century without a government, but with many warlords who are keeping busy by looting, and even attacking humanitarian aid convoys. All they have achieved is the immediate prospect of starvation for the hundreds of thousands (Stam Predrag, "'Children of the abyss': The continent of Africa is in a crucial fight for a brighter future, but it has yet to defeat widespread corruption, disease, poverty and civil war," The Ottawa Citizen, April 22, 2000, L/N).

The third area of concern in the Greater Horn is Sudan:

''We will never accept Sharia law to be implemented in the south of Sudan and we are going to fight for the autonomy for our people,'' William Deng, one-time rebel leader, told me exactly 32 years ago. Two years later, Mr. Deng was killed in an ambush on a side road in the south of Sudan. However, the largest country in Africa (2,505,810 sq km) which gained its independence on Jan. 1, 1956, is still fighting a war between the mainly Muslim north and the Christian and Anymist south. The war has claimed the lives of more than one million people to date, but the army of Gen. Omar el Bashir, the present head of state, still has not succeeded in conquering the entire south. The humanitarian situation in the south of the country is devastating. Large groups of malnourished children are dying each day from starvation or disease, while many people are still being rounded up and sold into slavery at the onset of the 21st century. A tragic scenario, especially since this country of 35 million people has the potential to feed the whole of Africa (Stam Predrag, "'Children of the abyss': The continent of Africa is in a crucial fight for a brighter future, but it has yet to defeat widespread corruption, disease, poverty and civil war," The Ottawa Citizen, April 22, 2000, L/N).

Pedrag concludes, "Protracted and devastating civil wars are one of the main causes for the disastrous situation in which many African countries find themselves nowadays," which certainly indicates it is a "root cause" and a great area for debate. And, of course, the solutions and causes are easily debateable. Pedrag also notes, "It is to easy to blame Africa's former colonial masters (slavery, state boundaries drawn by rulers of the past which often left ethnic communities spread out over several countries, exploitation and the like). But, 40 years after many African countries gained independence, there is a growing number of statesmen, politicians and academics who are openly questioning whether their presidents are capable of leading the African people to a renaissance."
        Water is also a significant concern. As illustrated above, famine and drought are having a significant influence on the region. And, certainly unless there are some agreements on the use of water in the Greater Horn, war could result. Ataker Ejalu, a former Cabinet Minister and editor in Uganda, reports:

Negotiations between countries of the Nile Basin over equitable utilisation and sharing of water resources take place against a historically contentious legacy of colonial treaties made between Britain and (mainly) Egypt, and others between Britain and Italy, France, Belgium and Germany.
Ongoing negotiations, which climaxed with a recent meeting in Khartoum, Sudan, are not only about use of the River Nile's water, but also water in other regional sources such as the Blue Nile and the Kagera, Semliki, Isango, Lake Tsana and Sabot rivers. Riparian states involved include Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt. The discussions have particularly been spurred by warnings that the world's water supply is in a crisis. Analysts even fear that an expected "megadrought" could trigger a worldwide "water war" between nations ("The Third World War Will Be All About Water," The East African (Nairobi), April 17, 2000, http://www.africanews.org/east/stories/20000417/20000417_feat2.html).

These three areas of concern (famine, civil war, and water) are all significant problems that result in a multitude of other problems. Millions of people are at risk, millions more are threatened if issues are not settled in the Greater Horn. The remainder of this paper will be devoted to justifying an examination of the Greater Horn as a term within the resolution, providing backgrounds of the "countries" within the Greater Horn, and justifying the United States as the actor and examining actions that could be taken. The last part of the paper will be devoted to specific wordings that could be used for resolutions.
Defining the Greater Horn of Africa

(Drew Butler, Primary Author)

        The original intent of the authors of this paper was to look only at the "Horn of Africa." However, the focus has now changed to look at the "Greater Horn of Africa." The "Horn of Africa" was abandoned after looking at several definitions. Those definitions generally included Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Sudan, and Somalia. One definition included the Seychelles. However, the idea of using the geographic term "Horn of Africa" was abandoned when the following definition was found:

Easternmost projection of Africa; variously used of Somalia, SE or all of Ethiopia, and sometimes Djibouti (Merriam Webster's Geographical Dictionary, 3
rd Ed, 1997, p. 495).

That definition was too limiting, and would invite too many topicality debates. The more predictable term of art is "Greater Horn of Africa."
        The Greater Horn of Africa can be best defined by examining the United States' definition, since there is no simple definition of "the Horn of Africa." The following are several definitions of the Greater Horn, and they provide sufficient parameters for debate.

Example One: "The Greater Horn of Africa—a region comprising Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania remains a region in the throes of crisis. Famine, conflict and poverty have become all too common elements in these countries' differing levels of development" (GHAI website, http://198.76.84.1/HORN/GHAI/cycle/execsumm.html).

Example Two: "Whereas countries in the Northern tier (Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia) tend to have structural food deficits, the Southern tier countries (Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda)…" (GHAI website, http://198.76.84.1/HORN/GHAI/cycle/causes.html#Civil_Strife).

Example Three: "A serious food crisis in the Greater Horn of Africa countries - Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan, Somalia, Kenya, Uganda and Djibouti-threatening an estimated 15 million people" (The UK Committee for UNICEF UK Committee for UNICEF, http://www.oneworld.org/unicef/ethiopia/e5apr.htm).

Example Four: "Lake—on the first leg of a seven-nation tour of the continent— cited a grim catalogue of statistics, including a precipitous drop in health, education and economic standards for most Africans during the 1980s. Sixteen African nations are involved in some form of civil conflict, spawning an estimated 6 to 7 million refugees across the continent, while 25 million East Africans are considered chronically vulnerable to famine in a 10-nation swath called the "Greater Horn of Africa" (Jennifer Parmelee, The Washington Post, December 16, 1994, L/N)

Example Five: "Atwood, who is directing the U.S. relief effort in Rwanda, implied that
a combination of drought, ethnic conflict and chronic food shortages in nine other countries—in what he called "the Greater Horn of Africa" -- could precipitate similar crises. The countries at issue are Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Djibouti and Burundi" (Louis Freedberg, Chronicle Washington Bureau, San Francisco Chronicle, JULY 27, 1994, L/N).

Example Six: "WE have time to avert yet another humanitarian crisis in the greater Horn of Africa, consisting of Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Djibouti, Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi. While it is hard to focus on anything but the tragedy in Rwanda, it is also a part of the greater Horn and can be shielded from the wave of drought and famine all our sources tell us is coming"
(Christian Science Monitor, June 7, 1994, L/N).

Example Seven: "Rep. Tony P. Hall (D) of Ohio is chairman of the Congressional Hunger Caucus and the Congressional Hunger Center.
        A US delegation led by assistant secretary of state for African affairs George Moose and a European delegation (a troika composed of French, German and Greek diplomats) met in Brussels last month to discuss African affairs. The Americans presented their Greater Horn of Africa Initiative, which covers ten countries (the Horn of Africa countries plus Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda). Their idea is to use food aid as an incentive to rehabilitating infrastructures (the old "food for work" notion applied to road repairs, dam construction, house building, and so on), and also to awaken African leaders to the manifold causes of instability in their countries. Washington hopes to approach some donor countries such as Japan with concrete projects which require finance. The European delegates, however, suggested that the ideas must be tried out in several countries (perhaps Eritrea and Ethiopia) before being extended to other countries.
        George Moose expressed deep pessimism on Sudan's policies, particularly regarding human rights, aid to terrorists, and furtherance of the civil war. He said he had noted the disillusionment of countries in the region regarding peace negotiations for southern Sudan and indicated that whilst support for mediation by IGADD (Intergovernmental Association on Drought and Development) should be continued, it was perhaps time to "bring more pressure" on Khartoum. Washington envisages the United Nations Security Council adopting a tough declaration or an arms embargo for Sudan, although it has no illusions: the first suggestion would be difficult to achieve and the second one would not be adhered to. The joint European delegation said it wanted to continue regular meetings between its representatives in Khartoum and the Sudanese government; although their usefulness remains to be proven, they did at least permit a "stunning insight into Islamic fundamentalist thinking."
        The US delegation applauded the return of harvests in Somalia to 75 percent of their pre-war levels but deplored that no sign of any national reconciliation was to be seen in the country. Many countries in the region fully expect general Mohamed Farah Aideed to come out the winner after contingents of the United Nations UNOSOM operations pull out at the end of March, although Moose warned the Europeans against reaching conclusions too hastily.
With Mozambique, the US delegation repeated its hope that an acceptable power -sharing arrangement would be worked out in Maputo but admitted that it was a highly sensitive subject. Since the meeting, Mozambique's new head of state Joaquim Chissano has completed his cabinet and the opposition movement RENAMO is having difficulties finding its niche in the parliamentary opposition (ION No. 652). Washington favours keeping a small contingent of UN troops in the country to search for arms caches (Indian Ocean Newsletter, "EAST AFRICA: Euro-American palavers," January 7, 1995, L/N).

These definitions and contextual definitions all suggest the "Greater Horn of Africa" would be a reasonable term to use within a debate resolution.

Justification for the Greater Horn of Africa vs. a List

        Of course, the question is "why?" In other words, why should we have a topic use a term such as "Greater Horn of Africa" when there have been recent topics that have used a list of countries. Couldn't a list of countries also suffice in this situation? Well, it indeed could suffice. And a list of countries will be provided with sample resolutions at the end of this document. However, we are arguing that the term "Greater Horn of Africa" can be a useful and perhaps more inclusive term.
        We think it would be a good idea to debate and area of Africa and not a list of countries; especially with the refugees flooding the borders of several of the Horn nations it really problematizes boundaries. We would also like affirmatives to not be forced into dealing with governments; it would open up that playing field a little if government to government action wasn't forced. More importantly, and a reason to not do a list, is that a list seems to impose government to government action. The point is that we are going to force T/critical debates one way or another. If we maintain a list, then if people want to write affirmatives that make an action to a tribal group, for example, then there is the T debate on the country and whether than name implies government to government action, and with this topic area, there is ample justification to have action with the not government part of a "country." That gets into the critical grounds in terms of boundaries and boundary issues and what constitutes a country.
        Lists also really marginalize "countries" like Somalia, which functionally has a government, but it is a government without power or authority. Somalia actually has a couple governments, but functionally it is anarchy. Government to government action seems to be largely impossible or at least improbable. Rothchild and Harbeson argue:

There is nothing subtle about much of the evidence showing the African state and its state system to be in flux. Somalia remains the quintessential example of a failed state following the combination of the collapse of the Siad Barre regime, a major outbreak of drought-induced famine, and a disastrous U.S.-led intervention … Today, there is no Somali state, as the term is normally understood. Equally remarkable, but less noticed, has been the lack of evidence that any Somali faction currently has the capability or resolve to restore the status quo ante. The long-term consequences of Ethiopia's effort to transform itself from an empire to a confederation of ethnically defined regions remains uncertain. The brutal ongoing border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea reflects deeper unresolved issues created by the simultaneous processes of Ethiopia's transformation and Eritrea's winning of independence from Ethiopia as the postcolonial era's first new African state. Thus, any semblance of a functioning regional Horn of Africa state system has been shattered. Only the non-Horn members of the Intergovernmental Authority on Developmnent (IGAD), Uganda and Kenya, have any capacity to bring that organization's external influence to bear on events in these countries (Africa in World Politics, 3
rd ed., 2000, p.3-4).

And, literature doesn't make enough distinctions. Rothchild and Harbeson argue, "Indeed, it has been commonplace in both the academic and policymaking literatures to refer to the state as though there were no significant, operational distinctions among state, government, or regime. Moreover, dictatorial regimes have been complicit in this analytical confusion" (p. 7). It is important to think about these distinctions, because each serve differing functions. Since the literature doesn't make a distinction, it is better to have a geographic region instead of perpetuating the mixing of literature.

        In Africa this problem is particularly perplexing, considering the nature and place of the state. The nature of the "state" in many areas of Africa is suspect, and the future in doubt. Rothchild and Harbeson suggest:

The dramatic examples of state and regional state systems in disarray or verging upon collapse have appeared to buttress the position of those who argue that post-Cold War glimmerings of an African political and economic renaissance are in grave danger of being extinguished. These signs of decline have produced appearances of political chaos, vast dislocations, and human immiseration, all of which principally benefit warlords and mercenaries who harbor no loyalty to the African state or state system. Such turmoil suggests not an emergent post-Cold War transformation of the inherited colonial state and African state system but, rather, their decay and dissolution—a situation that foreshadows descent into a Hobbesian state in which (as Hobbes himself hypothesized) pervasive individual rational self-interest might not allow for a possible escape into a secure political order (p. 6)

Paying homage to a disjointed and dislocated state system makes little sense when considering debate topics. We as a community need to recognize the unique socio-political make-up of Africa, particularly the Greater Horn of Africa.
        One last issue is whether the government/states in Africa can even reasonable to act with. As concepts of the state and state sovereignty go through processes of change, the function of the state is decreasing in Africa. Francis Deng argues, "… the pervasiveness and imperatives of humanitarian disasters, caused by retrograde governments and magnified by weak or inept ones, have prompted a new African emphasis upon the limits of state sovereignty in contemporary times" (in Africa in World Politics, 3
rd ed., 2000, p. 11). This refocus has decidedly changed the function of African governments/states, which "have frequently found it themselves hard-pressed to fulfill the primary tasks they have set for themselves—namely securing their borders, achieving economic growth and development, and providing good governance" (Harbeson and Rothchild, p. 11).
        The point is, if we list nations, considering the make-up of Africa, then we are going to force teams into topicality debates if they want to do particular actions. Just like if we list an area, then we are likely to get into topicality debates about whether Rwanda is in the Greater Horn. We are unconvinced that a list provides better ground or is more justified, except that we have done it before and it will be easy. Add that to the idea that the U.S. has dealt with Africa in terms of regions before (the Greater Horn of Africa Initiative in '94 for example), just proves that regions can make sense.
        
"Countries" within the Greater Horn of Africa

        This section of the paper will detail the backgrounds of the "countries" within the Greater Horn of Africa, providing background.

REPUBLIC OF BURUNDI

        Burundi is in Central Africa, east of Democratic Republic of the Congo. Burundi is suffering from soil erosion as a result of overgrazing and the expansion of agriculture into marginal lands; deforestation (little forested land remains because of uncontrolled cutting of trees for fuel); and habitat loss threatens wildlife populations (http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/by.html).
&~nbsp;       Burundi is a landlocked, resource-poor country with a poorly developed manufacturing sector. The economy is predominately agricultural with roughly 90% of the population dependent on subsistence agriculture. Its economic health depends on the coffee crop, which accounts for 80% of foreign exchange earnings. The ability to pay for imports therefore rests largely on the vagaries of the climate and the international coffee market. Since October 1993 the nation has suffered from massive ethnic-based violence which has resulted in the death of perhaps 250,000 persons and the displacement of about 800,000 others. Foods, medicines, and electricity remain in short supply (http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/by.html).
        Since the end of the Belgian trusteeship in 1962, Burundi has suffered from ethnic uprisings, coups, and other societal dislocations. In a series of waves since October 1993, hundreds of thousands of refugees have fled the ethnic violence between the Hutu and Tutsi factions in Burundi and have crossed into Rwanda, Tanzania, and Zaire (now called the Democratic Republic of the Congo or DROC). Since October 1996, an estimated 120,000 Burundian Hutu refugees from the DROC have been compelled to return to Burundi because of insecurity in the region. Continuing ethnic violence with the Tutsi has caused additional Hutu to flee to Tanzania, thus raising their numbers in the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) camps in that country to about 260,000. Burundian troops have joined armies from Rwanda and Uganda and Congolese Tutsi in trying to overthrow DROC President KABILA and restore security to their borders with the Democratic Republic of the Congo (http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/by.html).
        The conflict in Burundi broke out in 1993 when Tutsi paratroopers assassinated the country's first democratically elected president Melchior Ndadye. The war has pitted several Hutu rebel factions against the Tutsi-dominated government and army, and claimed the lives of more than 200,000 people from both sides ("Mandela says Burundi leaders, rebels to meet in July," BBC Worldwide Monitoring, May 23, 2000). Recently, on April 29, Hutu rebels, who since 1993 have been fighting an army and government dominated by the Tutsi minority, attacked Kibago, occupying four hills for almost five days before being dislodged by the army after heavy fighting in which some 160 rebels were reportedly killed ("Fighting rages around southern Burundi town: aid workers," (Agence France Presse, May 24, 2000, L/N).
        However, peace may be nearing in Burundi. The Burundian rebel leaders and government officials are expected to finally meet face to face in July, chief mediator Nelson Mandela said, since progress has been made to end the seven-year-old civil war in Burundi.
Mandela has met with the various warring parties including the Forces for the Defence of Democracy, the National Liberation Front, the National Council for the Defence of Democracy, the Party for the Liberation of the Hutu People and the Front for National Liberation as well as representatives of the Burundian government ("Mandela says Burundi leaders, rebels to meet in July," BBC Worldwide Monitoring, May 23, 2000).

ADDITIONAL BURUNDI RESOURCES

Race and ethnicity in East Africa / Peter G. Forster, Michael
Hitchcock, Francis F. Lyimo.

Do no harm : how aid can support peace--or war / Mary B.
Anderson.
Imprint: Boulder, Colo. : Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999.

From culture to ethnicity to conflict : an anthropological
perspective on international ethnic conflict / Jack David Eller.
Imprint: Ann Arbor, MI : University of Michigan Press, c1999.

Cases and strategies for preventive action / edited by Barnett
R. Rubin.
Imprint: New York : Century Foundation Press, 1998.

The forsaken people : case studies of the internally displaced
/ Roberta Cohen and Francis M. Deng, editors.
Imprint: Washington, D.C. : Brookings Institution Press, c1998.

Genocide : Rwanda and Burundi / Edward L. Nyankanzi.
Imprint: Rochester, Vt. : Schenkman Books, c1998.

Preventing genocide in Burundi : lessons from international
diplomacy / Stephen R. Weissman.
Imprint: Washington, DC (1550 M St., NW, Washington 20005) : U.S.
Institute of Peace, [1998]

Responding to crises in the African Great Lakes / Glynne Evans.
Imprint: Oxford, [England] ; New York, NY : Oxford University Press
for the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1997.

Historical dictionary of Burundi / Ellen K. Eggers.
Imprint: Lanham, Md. : Scarecrow Press, 1997.
Edition: 2nd ed.

Vigilance and vengeance : NGOs preventing ethnic conflict in
divided societies / Robert I. Rotberg, editor.
Imprint: Washington, D.C. : Brookings Institution Press ; Cambridge,
Mass. : World Peace Foundation, c1996.

Burundi : ethnocide as discourse and practice / Renâe
Lemarchand.
Imprint: Washington : Woodrow Wilson Center Press ; New York, N.Y. :
Cambridge University Press, c1994.

REPUBLIC OF DJIBOUTI

        The Republic of Djibouti is a former French colony, which gained its independence on 27 June 1977. Djibouti is located in Eastern Africa, bordering the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, between Eritrea and Somalia, with a desert climate that is torrid and dry. The terrain is coastal plain and plateau separated by central mountains with natural hazards such as earthquakes, droughts, and occasional cyclonic disturbances from the Indian Ocean bring heavy rains and flash floods. The terrain and climate result in inadequate supplies of potable water and desertification. Djibouti does have a strategic location near the world's busiest shipping lanes and close to Arabian oilfields and is terminus of rail and truck traffic into Ethiopia. Thus,

The [Djiboutian] economy is based on service activities connected with the country's strategic location and status as a free trade zone in northeast Africa. Two-thirds of the inhabitants live in the capital city, the remainder being mostly nomadic herders. Scanty rainfall limits crop production to fruits and vegetables, and most food must be imported. Djibouti provides services as both a transit port for the region and an international transshipment and refueling center. It has few natural resources and little industry. The nation is, therefore, heavily dependent on foreign assistance to help support its balance of payments and to finance development projects. An unemployment rate of 40% to 50% continues to be a major problem. Per capita consumption dropped an estimated 35% over the last seven years because of recession, civil war, and a high population growth rate (including immigrants and refugees). Also, renewed fighting between Ethiopia and Eritrea has disturbed normal external channels of commerce. Faced with a multitude of economic difficulties, the government has fallen in arrears on long-term external debt and has been struggling to meet the stipulations of foreign aid donors (http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/dj.html).

Djibouti is really not as subject to problems at the same level as other Greater Horn countries, however. USAID reported on May 18:

According to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, an estimated population of 200,000 is affected by the drought in Djibouti. As Djibouti enters its hottest season of the year, the Minister of Interior told donors that support for increased capacity to distribute water by tanker and nourishment for herds in place of diminished pastures will be priority needs. Based on a rapid assessment by the UN Country Team, WFP is expected to increase its request for food assistance for the calendar year from 6,000 tons to 7,800 tons. Other identified needs include support for shelter and water projects (U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), "East Africa; Information On The Drought In The Horn Of Africa," Africa News, May 18, 2000, L/N).

The US has responded to the issues at hand in Djibouti.


Perhaps the biggest issue facing Djibouti is their roads and port infrastructure. Fighting flared again between Ethiopia and Eritrea on May 12, turning Djibouti's port into Ethiopia's only access to the Red Sea for humanitarian aid to drought victims. Unfortunately the roads are terrible and cannot handle the load necessary to get the food from the port in Djibouti to Ethiopia (which is land-locked). Africa News reported:

The full enormity of the job required to get the food out to the hungry people in Ethiopia is now emerging.

Despite the war, the port is crowded with food grain, which is being unloaded as a priority in Djibouti. Trucks have been commandeered all over the country to assist with the monumental task of moving the food ("Ethiopia; Getting the Food Out The Big Challenge Emerges," May 19, 2000, L/N).

However, this problem is being largely taken care of. As is reported in the Middle East Economic Digest:

Dubai Ports International (DPI), the overseas arm of Dubai Ports Authority (DPA), signed on 8 May a 20-year concession agreement to operate and manage Djibouti Port on the Red Sea. The accord, which also provides for the establishment of a free trade zone at Djibouti, was accompanied by the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the Djibouti government to develop the sea-air cargo sector and to co- operate in setting up a cargo village at Djibouti airport. It is the third overseas port management contract signed by DPA as part of its diversification strategy (MEED 31:3:00, Cover Story).

DPI said that it planned to work closely with the local authorities to boost throughput and upgrade the port's infrastructure. "The port is operating so we don't have to start from scratch," DPA managing director Sultan Bin Sulayem said. "We will supplement what they do to make it better." DPI plans to reorganise operations and to install new operating systems ("DUBAI PORTS SIGNS UP FOR DJIBOUTI," May 19, 2000, L/N).

Also, the problems with roads are also being taken care of, as is reported in Agence France Presse:

The World Food Programme (WFP) has agreed to provide 6.6 million dollars in aid to the Djibouti port authority to facilitate the delivery of food aid to Ethiopia, state radio reported.

A total of 4.1 million dollars would be used to upgrade the Arta-Galafi road, with an additional 2.5 million dollars to build a layby, two hangars and four truck weigh-stations, Djibouti radio said Monday ("WFP grants 6.6 million dollars to Djibouti port," May 23, 2000, L/N).

This leaves Djibouti with little "harm" area as of right now, except for some tangential problems.
        Another area of interest with Djibouti is their relationship with Somalia and Somaliland as peace broker. They have recently sponsored negotiations, some of which have been less than well received. For example Somali pro-Husayn Muhammad Farah Aydid radio on 17th May suggested in a news commentary entitled: Why the Somali people have rejected the Djibouti conference:

The Somali people keep record of anyone who helped or wronged them. The Djibouti government is hosting a so-called Somali reconciliation conference in the coastal town of Arta, a matter which has become an embarrassment to enlightened Somalis. A question which begs an answer is: What is the objective behind the convening of this so-called reconciliation conference? The objective of the so-called Djibouti conference is to create renewed fighting in the country's districts and regions.

It is ironic that the Djibouti government, which has in the past committed crimes against the Somali people, is now trying to restore general peace in Somalia. The Djibouti regime's deceitful efforts to reconcile Somalis is also intended to mislead international opinion about its genuine intention in Somalia.

The Somali people are aware that the Djibouti regime spent most of its time pursuing a policy of deception against Somalia. Whatever the case, the Somali people have rejected its peace plan. Its clear to people with sound minds that participants in the so-called Djibouti conference are either insane or moneyseekers.

The Djibouti government insulted Somali faction leaders and down played their importance in society. In their place it appointed itself the manager of the country's political affairs with the help of people it hand picked. The rights of Somali nationals living in Djibouti were also trampled upon by the Djibouti government. Because of the Djibouti government's misdeeds the Somali people decided to disregard the peace plan which will not serve their interests, but rather is aimed at furthering foreign powers' evil design in Somalia.

In conclusion, the Somali people are called upon to be aware of the problems the so-called Djibouti conference can cause. The Somali people will never forgive the Djibouti government for its crimes against the Somali people. When a Somali national government is formed, God willing, the Djibouti government will be made to account for its crimes (BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, May 19, 2000).

This long passage is included to demonstrate the place Djibouti is trying to take, to demonstrate the difficulty in "solving" the "problems" within Africa, and the distrust that seemingly permeates the region. While Djibouti is not a large area of the Greater Horn, it does play a significant role of the well being of the entire area.

ADDITIONAL DJIBOUTI RESOURCES


http://www.imf.org/external/np/pfp/1999/Djibouti/index.htm
http://www.imf.org/external/am/speeches/PR14MGe.pdf
A Strategic Assessment of Djibouti, ed 2000, by the Djibouti Research Group

ETHIOPIA/ERITREA
(Ben Osborne, Primary Author)

        It is nearly impossible to separate the current troubles facing Eritrea and Ethiopia. The war being fought by both has lead to widespread starvation, refugee migration, and political instability. Taking this into consideration this section of the resolution paper will not be split between the two countries. Instead, this overview of Eritrea-Ethiopia will concentrate on harm areas because of the considerable overlap. War, migration, starvation, disease (including AIDS), political stability/democracy promotion, and a few other specific problems will be covered.

War
As I write this section, a war is raging between Ethiopia and Eritrea that shows little sign of letting up. Following the collapse of the Ethiopian government and the secession of Eritrea in 1991, the newly installed governments of both countries worked well together and struck up a solid relationship. This continued until a few months ago when the two countries began a border skirmish that has led to the full-scale war. The reasons for the war are not entirely clear. The explanation for the war is fairly simple, however. The Eritreans believe that, based upon an old Italian colonial map, a small nearly uninhabited section of Ethiopia is theirs. The Ethiopians deny this and decided to defend their claim. Depending on who you believe either the Ethiopians or the Eritreans started shooting in the area and both sides rapidly escalated the war. The actual cause of the war are numerous, but mostly economic. The Eritreans rely upon Ethiopia to use their ports and the Ethiopians had been attempting to become more self-sufficient. These tensions sparked the current conflict. There are numerous potential debates on this harm area. The United States has held hearings on what to do, but the government has so far done very little to help stop the crisis. With thousands dying everyday and numerous other harms stemming from this war some form of conflict resolution or United States brokered peace would provide an excellent amount of case ground. Negative case ground is also abundant in the form of alternate actor counterplans and case argument on the proper role for the US to take. In addition to the overall action to stop the war, the next few harm areas would areas are affects of the war and would be involved in the debate as well.

Migration
        War has also created an acute refugee situation in both countries. One problem revolves around the illegal and forced repatriation of Eritreans from Ethiopia. At the beginning of the war this group that identifies itself as Eritrean was removed from the country and they have since encountered starvation and other problems. The war has also caused general migration. There have been many people moving to the Sudan and some Ethiopians moving farther into the interior of the country to avoid bombs. All of these displaced people have created an environmental crisis. The areas they are moving into are near breaking capacity now and the addition of so many people in a short time has increased the deforestation and desertification. This harm area would provide affs with numerous case advantages or even whole cases based around ending the migration or stopping the harms of the migration itself. Negative ground would also be plentiful because of the disagreements by policy experts about how best to contain these harms. As in all of this the actor counterplans would also be quite strong.

Starvation
        The current situation in Eritrea:

According to a May 2 report from the Office of the UN Resident Coordinator - Eritrea, an estimated 367,000 people remain in need of food and relief assistance in the three drought-affected zones of Anseba, North Red Sea, and South Red Sea. This number does not include an additional 393,000 persons in need of emergency assistance estimated by the Government of the
State of Eritrea (GSE) to be displaced by the border conflict or refugees from neighboring countries. The report mentions that people in affected areas have begun migrating to urban or food secure areas and selling their assets, such as livestock, in order to purchase food commodities. Some of these households are now almost completely dependent on external assistance. As part of the recent UN inter-agency regional tour, Catherine Bertini's team traveled to Eritrea on April 15-17. Priority areas aside from food aid identified by the team include the provision of clean water, basic health care, and livestock support. Both the GSE and the UN state lack of sufficient resources as the primary limitation to response efforts.

The current situation in Eritrea has been further complicated by the renewal of fighting with Ethiopia along the border on May 15. The fighting broke out after the Algiers peace talks came to a stalemate on May 5, and a delegation from the UN Security Council was unable to restart the negotiation process.

In response to WFP's appeal, the Government of the Netherlands has announced a donation of $2 million for food commodities. The Government of Sweden has also allocated approximately $1 million for education and other programs.
Infrastructural capacity to move commodities within the country is relatively strong, including port and airport capacity and road conditions. Rail transport is not a viable option (U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), "East Africa; Information On The Drought In The Horn Of Africa," Africa News, May 18, 2000, L/N).

The current US "solution":



        The worst effect of the war has been to exacerbate the already disastrous famine both countries have faced. The horn was facing a slack season and drought before the war began, and the beginning of the fight has only made it worse. Two factors have made the situation worse. One factor has been the lack of priority the Ethiopian government has placed upon the starvation. International aid has been very light and the government has chosen to spend money on war machines instead of feeding its people. In addition, Ethiopia is land locked and had been using the ports in Eritrea. The cutting off of those ports has made importation of food difficult. The port in Djibouti has been taking up some slack, but it has not made up the difference. The starvation is by no means only in Ethiopia, however, the Eritreans have also been dealing with the deprivations of war. Potential affs could increase US humanitarian aid to the people of both countries. They could also assist in opening ports and flying in supplies. The negative would center heavily upon differing actors, but there is also a great deal of argument over the relative impact and the use of food. Much of the humanitarian assistance debate from North Korea last year would be replicated here.

Disease
        The incidence of deadly disease has only risen since the fighting began. Pre-war Ethiopia and Eritrea did not have state-of-the-art medical facilities to start with, but war deprivation and crowded conditions have only spread disease even farther. Cholera outbreaks have been happening in many refugee camps and it has spread throughout the two countries. In addition, AIDS transmission has greatly increased during the conflict. As in all parts of the Africa debate this will be very large. The aff could focus on disease prevention or helping to cope after the disease has spread. The entirety of the AIDS debate could be had here because of the prevalence of the disease in this area.

Political Stability/Democracy Promotion
        Though not as large as some other areas of this section, the corrupt, single party systems of these countries could be potential harm areas. These two governments were known as areas of positivity on the bleak African political scene. Promoting stable governments and trying to bring about more civilian elections could be potential case areas.

Other Harm Areas
        A few other harm areas are also in this literature. One of the most important will be the discussion of infibulation and other forms of female genital mutilation. This practice is widespread in this area and the affirmatives could address this problem. In addition, there is the problem of the 26,000 Jews living in Ethiopia that were not allowed into Israel. These Jews are people who were either forced to convert to Christianity by the former ruling parties of Ethiopia or they are the descendents of those people. The Christian and Muslim majority treat these Jews with great disdain and they are currently facing the famine in much worse conditions because of their Judaism.

Conclusion
        No doubt there are many other harm areas not even touched by this quick synopsis. This is merely to get people thinking and to understand that there is a great deal of debate in these two countries. In many ways these two countries are typical of the problems that face Africa. War, disease, famine, and political instability are the heart of this topic. In debating these two countries we would debate the most important and pressing issues that confront Africa today.

Additional Eritrea-Ethiopia Resources

Books

Ali, Taisier M. and Robert O. Matthews. Civil wars in Africa : roots and resolution. Montreal : McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999.

Birhan, Addis. Eritrea : a problem child of Ethiopia : causes, consequences and strategic implications of the conflict. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Marran Books, 1998.

The Ethiopia-Eritrea War: U.S. Policy Options
, May 25, 1999, [ERRATA] Y 4.IN 8/16:ET 3/ERRATA

Gilkes, Patrick and Martin Plaut. War in the Horn : the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia. London : Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1999.

Henze Paul B. Ethiopia : the collapse of communism and the transition to democracy : adjustment to Eritrean independence. Santa Monica, Calif. : Rand, 1995.

Henze Paul B. Ethiopia and Eritrea in transition : the impact of ethnicity on politics and development. Santa Monica, CA. : RAND, 1995.

Keller, Edmond J. & Donald Rothchild ed. Africa in the new international order : rethinking state sovereignty and regional security. Boulder, Colo. : Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1996.

Kingma, Kees. Demobilization in Sub-Saharan Africa : the development and security impacts. New York : St. Martin's Press in association with Bonn International Center for Conversion, 2000.

Mohamed Salih, M.A. and John Markakis. Ethnicity and the state in Eastern Africa. Uppsala : Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1998.

Okbazghi Yohannes. The United States and the Horn of Africa : an analytical study of pattern and process. Boulder, Colo. : Westview Press, c1997.

Tekie Fessehatzion. Eritrea and Ethiopia : from conflict to cooperation to conflict. Lawrenceville, N.J. : Red Sea Press, 1999.

Tewodros Manaye. Ethio-Eritrean conflict and its impact on the region. Nairobi? : .n., Junior Graphics. 1999.

United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations. Subcommittee on Africa. The Ethiopis-Eritrea [sic] war : U.S. policy options : hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Sixth Congress, first session, on May 25, 1999. Washington : U.S. G.P.O. : For sale by the U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office, 1999

Wright, Stephen. African foreign policies. Boulder, Colo. : Westview Press, 1999.

Periodical Resources

The Christian Science Monitor,  May 17, 2000, Wednesday,  USA; EXPLAINER; Pg. 3,  985 words,  Why Africa's wars confound the US,  Justin Brown , Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor,  WASHINGTON

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON),  May 20, 2000, Saturday,  Pg. 16,  797 words,  News: Crisis in Africa: Eritrean exodus adds to famine fears Ethiopia's victory threatens a new disaster,  By Anton La Guardia, Africa Correspondent

Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy,  November, 1999,  EN CLAIRE; A Monthly Report on Issues of Strategic Significance; Pg. 3,  417 words,  Djiboutian President Makes Strategically Important Visit to Ethiopia

Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy,  November, 1999,  HEALTH AND NATIONAL SECURITY; Pg. 4,  3478 words,  AIDS and African Armies: A Crisis Worse than War,  By Gregory R. Copley, Editor

The Economist,  April 22, 2000,  , U.S. Edition,  1034 words,  At risk in Africa

The Economist,  May 20, 2000,  , U.S. Edition,  859 words,  Ethiopia's and Eritrea's forgotten war, resumed

Financial Times (London),  May 15, 2000, Monday,  COMMENT & ANALYSIS;,  Pg. 20,  1322 words,  COMMENT & ANALYSIS: Long snakes, short ladders: Poverty is the background to Africa's unending round of disasters, say Michael Holman and Tony Hawkins, yet undiscriminating donors have done as much harm as good:,  By TONY HAWKINS and MICHAEL HOLMAN

The Independent (London),  April 27, 2000, Thursday,  FEATURES; Pg. 1, 7,  2162 words,  THE WORLD'S SILLIEST WAR,  Paul Vallely

The Independent (London),  May 1, 2000, Monday,  FOREIGN NEWS; Pg. 13,  880 words,  ASSAB, THE LIFELINE THAT COULD FEED ETHIOPIA, REMAINS CLOSED WHILE THE POLITICIANS BICKER,  Paul Vallely In Djibouti

Jane's Intelligence Review,  January 1, 2000,  AFRICA; Vol. 12; No. 1,  4671 words,  No compromise for Eritrea and Ethiopia,  George Bloch

Jane's Intelligence Review,  April 1, 2000,  AFRICA; Vol. 12; No. 4,  1449 words,  Ethiopia plans renewed offensive,  George Bloch

Newsweek,  May 8, 2000,  Atlantic Edition,  INTERVIEW; Pg. 72,  807 words,  Leaving No Belly Unfilled

Newsweek,  April 24, 2000,  U.S. Edition,  INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 47,  1186 words,  Hunger in The Horn,  By Lara Santoro and Jeffrey Bartholet

Newsweek,  April 17, 2000,  Atlantic Edition,  INTERVIEW; Pg. 84,  1303 words,  'The Children Are Dying'

The New York Times,  April 23, 2000, Sunday, Late Edition - Final,  Section 1; Page 4; Column 1; Foreign Desk,  1343 words,  In a Land of Want, an Expensive War,  By IAN FISHER,  ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, April 19

The New York Times,  May 20, 2000, Saturday, Late Edition - Final,  Section A; Page 8; Column 1; Foreign Desk,  785 words,  After a Victory, Ethiopia Looks Toward Other Fronts,  By IAN FISHER,  BARENTU, Eritrea, May 19

The New York Times,  May 19, 2000, Friday, Late Edition - Final,  Section A; Page 3; Column 1; Foreign Desk,  374 words,  Arms Embargo Ordered for Eritrea and Ethiopia,  By BARBARA CROSSETTE,  UNITED NATIONS, May 18

The Plain Dealer,  April 30, 2000 Sunday, FINAL / ALL,  NATIONAL; Pg. 5A,  941 words,  ETHIOPIA SLIGHTS DROUGHT VICTIMS TO CONTINUE ERITREA WAR,  By KARL VICK; WASHINGTON POST

U.S. News & World Report,  April 24, 2000,  WORLD REPORT; Vol. 128 , No. 16; Pg. 34,  1203 words,  The children are first to die,  By Kevin Whitelaw; Stefan Lovgren,  Gode, Ethiopia

The Washington Post,  April 29, 2000, Saturday, Final Edition,  METRO; Pg. B09,  858 words,  A War Against Want; Conflict With Eritrea, Red Tape Hamper Effort To Halt Ethiopian Famine,  David E. Anderson , Religion News Service

Web Resources

Up to date news page on Eritrean-Ethiopian Conflict
http://www.visafric.com/news.htm

Ethiopia/Eritrea Conflict Page
http://www.geocities.com/~dagmawi Pro-Ethiopia News page

Eritrea Bib

Books

Alemseged Abbay. Identity jilted, or, Re-imagining identity? : the divergent paths of the Eritrean and Tigrayan nationalist struggles. Lawrenceville, NJ : Red Sea Press, 1998.

Eritrea: a new beginning.
[London] : United Nations Industrial Development Organization, 1996.

Kidane, Resourn S. The patterns and socioeconomic and environmental impacts of conflict in Eritrea. Leeds, England : Centre for Development Studies, University of Leeds, 1996.

Murtaza, Niaz. The pillage of sustainablility in Eritrea, 1600s-1990s : rural communities and the creeping shadows of hegemony. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1998.

O'Brien, David. Establishing and maintaining reproductive health programs in countries coping with the effects of war and civil strife : experiences in Albania, Cambodia, and Eritrea. Arlington, VA : SEATS Project, JSI/Washington, 1998.

Ottaway, Marina. Africa's new leaders : democracy or state reconstruction? Washington, D.C. : Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1999.

Pateman, Roy. Eritrea : even the stones are burning. Lawrenceville, NJ : Red Sea Press, 1998.

Testfatsion Medhanie. Eritrea & neighbours in the "New world order" : geopolitics, democracy, and "Islamic fundamentalism" Münster : LIT, [1994]

United Nations. The United Nations and the independence of Eritrea. New York : United Nations, Dept. of Public Information, c1996.

Web

Eritrean Political Opposition Page http://users.erols.com/meskerem

Eritrean Info Site
http://www.netafrica.org/eritrea/index.html

Eritrea Web Net http://eritrea.net

Ethiopia Bib

Books

De Waal, Alexander. Famine crimes : politics & the disaster relief industry in Africa. London : African Rights & the International African Institute ; Oxford, UK : in association with James Currey ; Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1997.

Kebede, Messay. Survival and modernization--Ethiopia's enigmatic present : a philosophical discourse. Lawrenceville, NJ : Red Sea Press, 1999.

Kumar, Krishna. Postconflict elections, democratization, and international assistance. Boulder, CO : L. Rienner, 1998.

Mengisteab, Kidane and Cyril Daddieh. State building and democratization in Africa : faith, hope, and realities. Westport, CT : Praeger, 1999.

Reyna, S.P. and R.E. Downs. Deadly developments : capitalism, states and war. Amsterdam, the Netherlands : Gordon and Breach, c1999.

Rushby, Kevin. Eating the flowers of paradise: a journey through the drug fields of Ethiopia and Yemen. London: Constable, 1998.

Vestal, Theodore M. Ethiopia: a post-Cold War African state. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1999.

United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations. Subcommittee on Africa. H. Con. Res. 292 and H. Res. 415: markup before the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fifth Congress, second session, June 24, 1998. Washington : U.S. G.P.O. : For sale by the U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office, 1998.

The Women's Affairs Office, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, and The World Bank. Implementing the Ethiopian national policy for women : institutional and regulatory issues. Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1998.

Periodicals

THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC,  April 25, 2000 Tuesday, Final Chaser,  FRONT; Pg. A12,  110 words,  FAMINE-DROUGHT VICTIMS STRUCK BY CHOLERA,  Compiled from Republic news services.,  MOGADISHU, SOMALIA

The Christian Science Monitor,  May 8, 2000, Monday,  WORLD; Pg. 1,  1344 words,  Ethiopians starve as West promises aid,  Corinna Schuler, Special to The Christian Science Monitor,  CHERETI, ETHIOPIA

Daily News (New York),  April 27, 2000, Thursday,  SPORTS FINAL EDITION,  EDITORIAL;,  Pg. 47,  532 words,  'SECRET' JEWS STARVE WHILE ISRAEL BICKERS,  BY SIDNEY ZION

The Gazette (Montreal),  May 6, 2000, Saturday, FINAL,  The Review; B1 / BREAK,  1447 words,  Famine in Ethiopia: Migrating herdsmen may cause worst crisis since 1984- 85, when one million died,  HILARY MACKENZIE,  KEMISSIE, Ethiopia

The Guardian (London),  April 28, 2000,  Guardian Foreign Pages; Pg. 17,  746 words,  Mozambique, India, Venezuela ... millions pay a heavy price for a warmer worl

The Guardian (London),  April 25, 2000,  Guardian Foreign Pages; Pg. 14,  753 words,  Ethiopia's Jews wait for exodus; Israel has withdrawn its welcome to new citizens from the Horn of Africa,  David Gough in Addis Ababa

The Independent (London),  May 1, 2000, Monday,  FOREIGN NEWS; Pg. 13,  880 words,  ASSAB, THE LIFELINE THAT COULD FEED ETHIOPIA, REMAINS CLOSED WHILE THE POLITICIANS BICKER,  Paul Vallely In Djibouti

THE JAKARTA POST,  April 23, 2000,  1723 words,  Female who are circumcised suffer throughout their lives

The Scotsman,  April 26, 2000, Wednesday,  Pg. 10,  756 words,  OUTREACH A LIFELINE FOR ETHIOPIA'S STREET KIDS,  Alison Gray In Addis Ababa

The Toronto Star,  May 1, 2000, Monday, Edition 1,  NEWS,  1045 words,  MORE INSIDIOUS THAN DROUGHT, MORE DEADLY THAN FAMINE, MORE CHRONIC THAN WAR,  Scott Simmie

The Toronto Star,  April 30, 2000, Sunday, Edition 1,  WAB,  1949 words,  'WE HAVE TO KEEP CHILDREN ALIVE' 'THE REAL ANSWER TO THIS KIND OF CRISIS IS DEVELOPMENT' WHY? FIGHTING WORLD HUNGER ON THE WORLDWIDE WEB,  Kathleen Kenna

The Toronto Star,  April 26, 2000, Wednesday, Edition 1,  NEWS,  1138 words,  'THERAPEUTIC CENTRE' FEEDS ETHIOPIA'S YOUNG MANY ARE TOO WEAK TO EAT THE FOOD SUPPLIES 'TRY TO THINK THAT THESE CHILDREN ARE YOUR SONS OR YOUR DAUGHTERS',  Scott Simmie

USA TODAY,  May 8, 2000, Monday,  FINAL EDITION,  NEWS;,  Pg. 1A,  1699 words,  Drought, hunger won't relent in Ethiopia,  Vivienne Walt; Special for USA TODAY,  DENAN, Ethiopia

The Washington Post,  April 24, 2000, Monday, Final Edition,  A SECTION; Pg. A18,  1305 words,  The Seeds of Famine; Drought, War and Archaic Farm Techniques Trigger a New Ethiopian Crisis,  Karl Vick , Washington Post Foreign Service,  NAIROBI

KENYA
(Terrance Bond, Primary Author)
        
        Drought is hurting Kenya as well. According to USAID:

The main areas affected by the drought in Kenya include Coast, Rift Valley, Eastern, and North-Eastern provinces, with an estimated 2.7 million people at risk of food insecurity. The district of Turkana is particularly vulnerable, with an estimated affected population of 250,000. USAID/Nairobi reports that the drought in northern Kenya is worsening due to only sporadic rainfall in many areas. Unless the rains continue past the normal rainy season, which ends in mid-May, increased and prolonged assistance may be needed in the future. The long season harvest is likely to fall short of predictions since only 60% of projected hectares had been planted by the end of April. As a result of reduced supply, grain and bean prices have risen as much as 50% over previous years. Other adverse affects to Kenyan populations include increased child malnutrition rates and deteriorating livestock conditions. A USAID/OFDA Regional Advisor and OFDA/Washington Officer visited the district of Turkana from May 2-5 to assess drought conditions and monitor USAID/OFDA-funded emergency programs.

WFP reports plans to distribute 75,000 tons of food commodities valued at $43.4 million to drought-affected populations in Kenya this calendar year. Expected deliveries of food assistance in country for the period April - June equal approximately 43,800 tons. This food is earmarked for the drought emergency (24,500 tons), development programs, and refugee assistance.
Should the situation in Kenya continue to deteriorate, estimates of food needs will be revised (U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), "East Africa; Information On The Drought In The Horn Of Africa," Africa News, May 18, 2000, L/N).

The US response:




Other Issues
        The political and social landscape in Kenya looks much different than even the most pessimistic and cautious observer might have forecasted in the wake of the tremendous economic strides made by this country of 28.5 million in the early 1990's. Where the rise of multiparty democracy and a decisive end to du jur one-party-ism once seemed imminent, charges of pervasive corruption and widespread mismanagement and bureaucratic inefficiency are being leveled against the Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi government from all sides. Many analysts also cite the lack of provision for political opposition to the Moi government as a detriment to Kenya's political progress. Forbidding climatic conditions have also stalled economic progress for this agricultural hub. The El Nino weather phenomenon has spawned severe drought in regions of the Kenyan State while summoning torrential rainfall for others. Whatever the nature of the weather occurrences, the result has been consistent—chilled agricultural growth, which means less national revenue and an ever-increasing debt load.
        Also, given the hesitance of the Kenyan government to undertake key reforms geared toward building sustainable infrastructure and revamping the public service sector, the gap rowing body of social needs versus the government's ability to provide suitable long-term remedies continues to grow more profound. Unchecked population growth provides an additional deterrent to economic and social recovery in Kenya. With an estimated growth rate of 1.6 in the year 1999, combined with a net decline in health care providing and a weaker national currency to boot, infant mortality rates continue to climb and average life expectancy remains alarmingly low.
The most potentially destabilizing factor in Kenyan society to date is the occurrence of AIDS-related illness. Though it boasts a lower percentage of persons living with AIDS(about 6% of the total population, roughly equal to 1.6 million people living in Kenya) than some of its regional neighbors, the implications of disease spread are vast. The consensus among economists is that AIDS is the (African) continent's "number one obstacle to development, beating crippling debt, corruption and armed conflict to the top of the list (Russell 2000). It is projected that the continuation of the spread of AIDS and AIDS-related deaths, coupled with inadequate prevention and treatment efforts, will kill nearly 25% of the Sub-Saharan population within the next two decades, making the need for concerted local and international action apparent. Aside from the threat of devastating illness, AIDS poses a threat of a different kind to the health of people living in Kenya and the greater region which surrounds it. The United States government has declared AIDS to pose an egregious threat to the national security of the African continent, with potential to ignite cataclysmic conflict, including ethnic wars, the fall of democratic government, unstable regime transitions, revolutionary wars, and widespread political repression (Russell 2000). The elements for conflicts of this magnitude are largely already in place in Kenya, due to demographic shifts because of AIDS spread, as well as the diverse ethnic makeup of Kenyan society, which creates great potential for scarce resource competition among rival groups.
Concomitant with the spread of AIDS as a threat to Kenya's internal stability, the geographic location of Kenya in the midst of chronically unstable states such as Tanzania, Somalia, Ethiopia and Uganda forces the Kenyan government into the role of regional balancer, having to mediate divergent interests among nations, as well as oversee the internal workings of some nations to minimize refugee movements, which might depress the Kenyan economy to the point of collapse, given the size of its native underclass and the large disparities in distribution of wealth.

UGANDA
(Terrance Bond, Primary Author)

        Economic volatility and the potential for sustained military conflicts with neighboring states dominate current discussions of Uganda. With the recent precipitous decline in coffee exports, as well as the devaluation of the national currency (shilling) the Ugandan economy has lost considerable momentum, which guarantees disaster for the country's 20 million inhabitants. Even without the threat of economic stagnation, looming large, the civil society in Uganda remains under constant siege. Joseph Kony, leader of the Lord's Resistance Army, a neo-conservative religious group that operates in the North Ugandan territory, continues to wage unholy warfare on the local inhabitants after 10 years of sporadic clashes with the Uganda People's Defense Force. The existence and continual activity of the LRA in Uganda has brought to light the issue of children's human rights, largely as a result of the LRA's substantial recruiting activities among children. Military confrontation is not an exclusively domestic concern for Uganda. Given that Uganda is a landlocked nation, potential for border and resource disputes runs high. In fact, Uganda and Rwanda remain in a state of near-war, with each nation having placed troops at their mutual border in the south of Uganda—it is predicted that continued civilian flow from Rwanda to Uganda might push these two nations tensions to a violent breaking point. Relations are fairly strained and inconsistent with each of its other neighbors, Kenya, the Sudan, and Tanzania, making this region of Africa a pocket of perpetual instability. On the social front, infectious disease wages its own brand of assault on the Ugandan landscape. Uganda was among the first African nations to have AIDS reach epidemic proportions in the late 80's, and the scourge of untreated disease continues to deplete the population at an alarming rate each year. Additionally, multiple other infectious diseases pose a sizeable menace to public health, including malaria, pertussis, tuberculosis, and cholera. Given recent economic shortfalls, the prospect of managing treatment options for these health crises is far from encouraging. The proliferation of infectious disease also brings to the fore the issue of womyn culture in Uganda and the lack of liberties for womyn as compared to their male counterparts. For many Ugandan womyn, repressive sexual and marriage norms make them completely subject to their husbands desires without the option of consent, making womyn the most susceptible to AIDS infection. Pregnancy also functions as a disadvantage to womyn's advancement in the private sector. Discrimination on the basis of mothering is widely tolerated and expected for womyn who become pregnant(even if they have no personal desire to become pregnant). The specter of violence against womyn has also taken root in Uganda, largely due to the structure of marital conventions and general social mores that affirm the womyn's secondary status in both political and social arenas.
ADDITIONAL UGANDA/KENYA RESOURCES

Women forget that men are the masters : gender antagonism and socio-economic
change in Kisii District, Kenya. Author: Silberschmidt, Margrethe. Date of Publication: 1999

The politics of the independence of Kenya / Keith Kyle. Author: Kyle, Keith. Date of Publication: 1999

A report on U.S. military personnel : communication from the President of the United States transmitting a supplemental report about the continuing deployment of U.S. military personnel in Kenya. Author: United States. President (1993- : Clinton) Date of Publication: 1999

Kenya's changing landscape / Raymond M. Turner, H. Awala Ochung', and Jeanne
B. Turner. Author: Turner, R. M. (Raymond M.) Date of Publication: 1998

Information resources and technology transfer management in developing countries / Richard Ouma-Onyango. Author: Ouma-Onyango, Richard, 1955- Date of Publication: 1997

The politics of development cooperation : NGOs, gender and partnership in Kenya / Lisa Aubrey. Author: Aubrey, Lisa Marie, 1961- Date of Publication: 1997

Trouble showed the way : women, men, and trade in the Nairobi area, 1890-1990
/ Claire C. Robertson. Author: Robertson, Claire C., 1944- Date of Publication: 1997

Gender violence and the press : the St. Kizito story / H. Leslie Steeves. Author: Steeves, H. Leslie. Date of Publication: 1997

Post-colonialism and the politics of Kenya / by D. Pal Ahluwalia. Author:
Ahluwalia, D. P. S. (D. Pal S.) Date of Publication: 1996

The two faces of civil society : NGOs and politics in Africa / Stephen N. Ndegwa. Author: Ndegwa, Stephen N. Date of Publication: 1996

From Nairobi to Beijing : second review and appraisal of the implementation of the Nairobi forward-looking strategies for the advancement of women / report
of the Secretary General. Date of Publication: 1995

Agricultural policy in Kenya : applications of the policy analysis matrix / Scott Pearson ... [et al.]. Date of Publication: 1995

Postcolonial literatures : Achebe, Ngugi, Desai, Walcott / edited by Michael Parker and Roger Starkey. Date of Publication: 1995

Colonial inscriptions : race, sex, and class in Kenya / Carolyn Martin Shaw. Author: Shaw, Carolyn Martin, 1944- Date of Publication: 1995

Gender, environment, and development in Kenya : a grassroots perspective / Barbara Thomas-Slayter and Dianne Rocheleau with Isabella Asamba ...[et al.]. Author: Thomas-Slayter, Barbara P. Date of Publication: 1995

The culture of politics in modern Kenya / Angelique Haugerud. Author: Haugerud, Angelique, 1952- Date of Publication: 1995

Beyond capitalism vs. socialism in Kenya and Tanzania / edited by Joel D.
Barkan. Date of Publication: 1994

Kenyan capitalists, the state, and development / by David Himbara. Author:
Himbara, David, 1950- Date of Publication: 1994

Towards sustainable development [microform] : environmental degradation and the rural poor of Kenya : a dissertation / by Joy K. Asiema. Author: Asiema, Joy K. Date of Publication: 1992

Burying SM : the politics of knowledge and the sociology of power in Africa / David William Cohen, E.S. Atieno Odhiambo. Author: Cohen, David William. Date of Publication: 1992

Women, sexuality, and the changing social order : the impact of government policies on reproductive behavior in Kenya / Beth Maina Ahlberg. Author: Ahlberg, Beth Maina. Date of Publication: 1991

Development in practice : paved with good intentions / Doug Porter, Bryant Allen, and Gaye Thompson. Author: Porter, Doug. Date of Publication: 1991

Kenya : the role of women in economic development. Date of Publication: 1989

Crisis, adjustment and growth in Uganda : a study of adaptation in an African economy / Arne Bigsten and Steve Kayizzi-Mugerwa. Author: Bigsten, Arne. Date of Publication: 1999

Deadly developments : capitalism, states and war / edited by S.P. Reyna and R.E. Downs. Date of Publication: 1999

Civil wars in Africa : roots and resolution / edited by Taisier M. Ali and Robert O. Matthews. Date of Publication: 1999

The path of a genocide : the Rwanda crisis from Uganda to Zaire / edited by Howard Adelman & Astri Suhrke. Date of Publication: 1999

Rethinking the trauma of war / edited by Patrick J. Bracken and Celia Petty. Date of Publication: 1998

The state and democracy in Africa / edited by Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja & Margaret C. Lee. Date of Publication: 1997, reissued 1998

Developing Uganda / edited by Holger Bernt Hansen & Michael Twaddle. Date of Publication: 1998

When hens begin to crow : gender and parliamentary politics in Uganda / Sylvia Tamale. Author: Tamale, Sylvia (Sylvia Rosila) Date of Publication: 1999

The elusive promise of NGOs in Africa : lessons from Uganda / Susan Dicklitch. Author: Dicklitch, Susan, 1966- Date of Publication: 1998

Africa : dilemmas of development and change / edited by Peter Lewis. Date of Publication: 1998

AIDS in Africa and the Caribbean / edited by George C. Bond ... [et al.]. Date of Publication: 1997

Uganda : the challenge of growth and poverty reduction. Date of Publication: 1996

Democracy and political change in Sub-Saharan Africa / edited by John A. Wiseman. Date of Publication: 1995

Structural adjustment in Africa / edited by Bonnie K. Campbell and John Loxley. Date of publication: 1989

Defense, International Military Education and Training (IMET) : agreement between the United States of America and Uganda, effected by exchange of notes, dated at Kampala April 6, 1981 and June 15, 1984. Author:Uganda. Uniform Title: Treaties, etc. United States, 1981 Apr. 6 Date of Publication: 1989

http://fas.harvard.edu/~cafrica.shtml#library
http://www.adlinkint-newslinkafri.com/nlahome.html
http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp
http://www.africanews.com
http://www.africapolicy.org
http://www.africasummit.org
http://www.aids.africa.com
http://www.info.usaid.gov
http://www.oau-oua.org
http://www.princeton.edu/~pressman/afriweb.html
http://www.sas.upenn.edu/African_Studies/About_African/ww_afstd.html
http://www.state.gov/www.regions/africa/index.html
http:/www.synapse.net/~acdi20/welcome.htm
http://www.uganda.co.ug
http://www.uganda.co.ug/newsline
http://www.un.org/esa/africa
http://www.usafrica.org
http://www2.h-net.msu.edu/~africa/toc/index.html

RWANDA
(Meg Miedel, Primary Author)

        Throughout their colonial rule, first Germany and then Belgium favored Rwanda's minority Tutsi ethnic group in education and employment. In 1959, the majority ethnic group, the Hutus, overthrew the ruling Tutsi monarch. The Hutus killed hundreds of Tutsis and drove tens of thousands into exile in neighboring countries. The children of these exiles later formed a rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and began a civil war in October 1990. The war, along with several political and economic upheavals, exasperated ethnic tensions culminating in April 1994 in a genocide in which roughly 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed. The Tutsi rebels defeated the Hutu regime and ended the genocide in July 1994, but approximately 2 million Hutu refugees—many fearing Tutsi retribution—fled to neighboring Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zaire, now called the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DROC). According to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, in 1996 and early 1997 nearly 1.3 million Hutus returned to Rwanda. Even with substantial international aid, these civil dislocations have hindered efforts to foster reconciliation and to boost investment and agricultural output. Although much of the country is now at peace, members of the former regime continue to destabilize the northwest area of the country through a low-intensity insurgency. Rwandan troops are currently involved in a crisis engulfing neighboring DROC (http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/rw.html).
        Following the outbreak of genocidal strife in Rwanda in April 1994 between Tutsi and Hutu factions, more than 2 million refugees fled to neighboring Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire); according to the UN High Commission on Refugees, in 1996 and early 1997 nearly 1.3 million Hutus returned to Rwanda—of these 720,000 returned from Democratic Republic of the Congo, 480,000 from Tanzania, 88,000 from Burundi, and 10,000 from Uganda; probably fewer than 100,000 Rwandans remained outside of Rwanda by the end of 1997 (http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/rw.html).
        Another main issue concerning Rwanda is the war with Uganda. On May 15, the two governments met in Tanzania and agreed to withdraw troops from Kisangani, but tensions remain high and skirmashes are occuring along the border. AIDS is a major part of every day life in Rwanda. Glaxo Welcome has agreed to sell Combivir for $2 a day (the drug regularly sells for $16.50 per day in the United States). The cheaper drugs can't solve the problem, but can hopefully prolong life. The country holds 900,000 refugees and is desperately short on food. An ethnic conflict exists between the Hutu and the Tutsi. In April, 1994, the Hutu took over the government and began a massacre of Tutsi. During the first weeks, the United Nations, at the behest of the United States ordered the peacekeepers present in Rwanda to do nothing to stop the killing. The genocide ultimately killed more than half a million Tutsi. Many believe that if the United States had intervened, thousands of lives could have been saved.
        Considering Rwanda's economy, Rwanda is a rural country with about 90% of the population engaged in (mainly subsistence) agriculture. It is the most densely populated country in Africa; is landlocked, and has few natural resources and minimal industry. Primary exports are coffee and tea. The 1994 genocide decimated Rwanda's fragile economic base, severely impoverished the population, particularly women, and eroded the country's ability to attract private and external investment. However, Rwanda has made significant progress in stabilizing and rehabilitating its economy. GDP has rebounded, and inflation has been curbed. In June 1998, Rwanda signed an Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) with the IMF. Rwanda has also embarked upon an ambitious privatization program with the World Bank (http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/rw.html).

ADDITIONAL RWANDA RESOURCES

Books:

Destexhe, Alain. Rwanda and genocide in the twentieth; translated by
Alison Marschner ; foreword by William Shawcross (1995)

Gourevitch, Philip, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be
killed with our families : stories from Rwanda (1998)

Prunier, Gérard. The Rwanda crisis : history of a genocide. (1995)

Routledge, Scott Peterson. ME AGAINST MY BROTHER: AT WAR IN SOMALIA,
SUDAN AND RWANDA (2000?)

Journal Articles:

"Explaining the 1994 genocide in Rwanda" Hintjens, Helen M. The Journal
of Modern African Studies 1999.

Nederveen, Jan. Pieterse. Sociology of humanitarian intervention:
Bosnia, Rwanda and Somalia compared.. SAGE Public Administration Abstracts,
1999 (Vol. 25, No. 4).

M. A. Wall. A "pernicious new strain of the old Nazi virus" and an
"orgy of tribal slaughter": a comparison of U.S. news magazine coverage of the
crises in Bosnia and Rwanda.. Communication Abstracts, 1998 (Vol. 21, No. 3).



SOMALIA
(Drew Butler, Primary Author)

Current Situation

U.S. troops went to Somalia in the early 90s to try to stop its war and help alleviate a famine. U.S. intervention broadened into a U.N. mission that pulled out in 1995 after 18 American soldiers died. Somalia's chaos began in 1991, when clan militias ousted the late dictator Mohamed Siad
Barre and then turned on each other in a war for control of the country. As of September 1991, country is effectively under control of as many as twelve rival clans and sub-clans (Library of Congress web site, http://lcweb2.loc.gov).

Potential Harm Areas

Famine—The FAO has warned that the food supply in southern Somalia is deteriorating rapidly, describing the situation as "very alarming." Despite a favorable harvest in February, some 650,000 people were faced with severe food shortages with Bakool, Gedo, Bay and Hiran Regions worst affected (UN Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN),
April 21, 2000).

USAID Reports:

An estimated 1.2 million people are currently at risk of food insecurity in Somalia due to drought and continued inter-clan fighting. The pastoralist populations located in Bay and Bakool regions (southern Somalia) are the most vulnerable. Recent rainfall in these two regions has alleviated some of the water shortage, however, these rains must continue through June in order to fully replenish groundwater sources and allow for a normal harvest during the next season. Rainwater accounts for approximately 60% of Somalia's water supply, rivers for 25%, and boreholes for the remaining 15%, but a reported 65% of boreholes are currently not functional. These boreholes will become increasingly important to the water supply should the rains fall short of current needs.

In terms of food assistance, WFP plans to distribute 26,000 tons of food commodities during the period April - December. Approximately 22,000 tons of this food is intended for southern Somalia. According to WFP, trucks carrying 320 tons of food recently arrived in Bakool region, and 440 tons of cereals, beans, and oil were delivered to Gedo region in early April. The current WFP pipeline is reportedly sufficient to cover needs through September of this year
(U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), "East Africa; Information On The Drought In The Horn Of Africa," Africa News, May 18, 2000, L/N).

The US Reaction:




Internal Stability—The most powerful warlord in Somalia is Hussein Aideed, a former U. S. Marine whose father, Mohammed Farrah Aideed, was targeted by American forces but eventually killed by rival militias. Aideed's militia is at war with several other private armies backed by Ethiopia, which resents Aideed's support of the Oromo Liberation Front in that neighboring country. Ethiopia has 3,000 troops in Somalia while waging a much larger territorial war against Eritrea. Civil war and factional fighting have dominated Somalia since 1988, causing up to a half million deaths. Conditions were particularly severe during 1991-92, when violence and massive population displacement produced famine.

Land mines-- A report by the United Nations indicates that an estimated 1 million land mines remain scattered all over Somalia and pose a threat to the lives of Somalis, and in particular to the free movement of people and commerce throughout the country. These land mines are laid around the main towns, strategic farming land and grazing areas, and along commercial routes to and from these towns. Land mines hinder the proper use of the farming and grazing areas and have thus not only contributed to the deterioration and slow-down of recovery activities in many parts of Somalia, but have also discouraged the undertaking of rehabilitation projects. Refugees returning from neighboring countries have been unable to return to their homes due to mines laid on their routes or in their home areas. There has been since renewed sporadic conflict in the south, which has included fresh land mines being planted. Human Rights Watch has received reports of the laying of new land mines in Mogadishu in 1998 (International Committee to Ban Land Mines, http://www.icbl.org).

Refugees—About 420,000 Somalis were refugees in about two dozen countries at the end of 1998: an estimated 180,000 in Ethiopia, about 140,000 in Kenya, 60,000 in Yemen, some 21,000 in Djibouti, 4,000 in Tanzania, some 3,000 in Eritrea, about 3,000 in Egypt, 3,000 in Libya, 2,000 in Uganda, and more than 5,000 in other countries. An estimated 250,000 Somalis were internally displaced (Info from U.S. Committee on Refugees, http://www.refugees.org).

Current U.S. policy—In 1989, under congressional pressure, the administration of President George Bush terminated military aid to Somalia, although it continued to provide food assistance and to operate a small International Military Education and Training program. In 1990
Washington revealed that Mogadishu had been in default on loan repayments for more than a year. Therefore, under the terms of the Brooke Amendment, this meant that Somalia was ineligible to receive any further United States aid. During the height of the fighting in
Mogadishu in January 1991, the United States closed its embassy and evacuated all its personnel from the country. The embassy was ransacked by mobs in the final days of the Siad Barre regime. The United States recognized the provisional government shortly after its establishment (Library of Congress web site, http://lcweb2.loc.gov).

SOMALILAND
(Drew Butler, Primary Author)

Current Situation—Problems with the government in Somalia prompted two groups of people to split away, but neither has gained independent political status in the international community. Somaliland in the northwest (established in 1991) and now Puntland in the northeast (established in 1998) are functioning but unrecognized by the rest of the world. Northern Somalia remained relatively peaceful, however. Political leaders in northeast Somalia declared in July the formation of an autonomous area called "Puntland." The new area, dominated by the Darod clan, became the second region of Somalia to separate itself politically from the rest of Somalia. In the mid-1990s, political leaders in northwest Somalia, largely of the Issaq clan, renamed their territory "Somaliland."

Potential Harms

Internal Stability—But the success of Somaliland rests on a shaky foundation. Its greatest accomplishment is undoubtedly peace, though the price is high: Over 70 percent of the national budget (itself only $20 million) goes to maintaining a huge army and police force—composed of former militia members who have agreed not to fight each other in return for their jobs. That leaves nothing for education, health or roads. Many Somalis are thus becoming impatient with its president, Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, and his government (New York Times, Nov. 26, 1999).

U.S. Policy—The United States has consistently urged all parties to come together to resolve their dispute by peaceful means. The United States government has supported the territorial unity of Somalia and as of May 1992 has refused to recognize the independence of northern Somalia. U.S. and other world leaders opposition makes it impossible for Somaliland and Puntland to receive World Bank or IMF funding (New York Times, Nov. 26, 1999)

ADDITIONAL SOMALIA/SOMALILAND RESOURCES

MacCallum, Spencer Heath, A Peaceful Ferment in Somalia, The Freeman,
June 1, 1998

Menkhaus, Kenneth L., U. S. Foreign Assistance to Somalia: Phoenix from
the Ashes?, Middle East Policy. Volume 5, Number 1, 1997

Somalia: The post-Aideed era. West Africa. September 16, 1996.

Clarke, Walter; Herbst, Jeffrey. Somalia: Lessons From A Humanitarian
Intervention. Current. May 01, 1996.

Bowen, James S. Power and Authority in the African Context. National
Black Law Journal. Fall 1995.

Prunier, Gerard. Somaliland Goes It Alone. Current history. Volume 97,
Number 619. 1998

Somalia: Squaring up for peace. New African. No. 383, 2000, p. 13.

Clarke, Walter; Herbst, Jeffrey; Pankhurst, Donna. Learning from
Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention. The Journal of
Development Studies. Volume 35, Number 5. 1999.

Lauderdale, Pat; Toggia, Pietro. An Indigenous View of the New World
Order: Somalia and the Ostensible Rule of Law. Journal of Asian and
African Studies. Volume 34, Number 2. 1999.

Menkhaus, Ken; Prendergast, John. Conflict and Crisis in the Greater
Horn of Africa. Current History. Volume 98, Number 628. 1999.

Growing Pains. Armed Forces Journal International. Volume 136, Number
5, 1998.

Hyndman, Jennifer. A Post-Cold War Geography of Forced Migration in
Kenya and Somalia. The Professional geographer : the Journal of the
Association of American Geographers. Volume 51, Number 1. 1999.

Somali Political Leaders: Cairo Declaration on Somalia. International
legal materials. Volume 37, Number 4. 1998.

Simons; Berhane-Selassie. Networks of dissolution: Somalia undone.
American Ethnologist. Volume 25, Number 1. 1998.

Menkhaus, Ken. Somalia: Political Order in a Stateless Society. Current
History. Volume 97, Number 619. 1998.

Mubarak, Jamil A. The "Hidden Hand" Behind the Resilience of the
Stateless Economy of Somalia. World Development. Volume 25, Number 12.
1997.

Anderson, Mary. Do no harm: how aid can support peace--or war. 1999

State building and democratization in Africa : faith, hope, and
realities. edited by Kidane Mengisteab and Cyril Daddieh. 1999.

Bettis Hashim, Alice. The fallen state: dissonance, dictatorship, and
death in Somalia. 1997.

Hussein, Adam, Richard Ford with Ali Jimale Ahmed. Removing barricades
in Somalia: options for peace and rehabilitation. 1998. Website:
http://www.usip.org/pubs/pworks/pwks24/chap5_24.html

Africa in the new international order: rethinking state sovereignty and
regional security. edited by Edmond J. Keller & Donald Rothchild. 1996.

SUDAN
(Natalie Woodward, Primary Author)

        Sudan is the largest country within the Greater Horn of Africa and is surrounded by tensions from its nine neighboring nations. The United States currently has sanctions upon the Sudan for being a terrorist supporting state with evidence that the Sudan had harbored Osama Bin Laden and previously, Carlos the Jackal. With the increasing hostilities in the Ethiopia-Eritrean war, many refugees have fled into the Sudan whose resources are already thinly stretched due to internal civil war and poverty. There are several major issues that could be debated about in the Sudan.
        Famine is a major issue:

Of the estimated 2.8 million people at risk of food insecurity in southern Sudan, a population of 61,710 is affected by drought conditions. Recent information indicates that the food security situation in southern Sudan is relatively stable, however, WFP reports continued food insecurity in certain isolated areas from drought and conflict resulting in lack of access by relief organizations. One of the worst affected of such areas is reported to be Bieh State in Eastern Upper Nile, with an estimated global malnutrition rate of 33% . The food security situation has deteriorated in Bieh due to a poor harvest last year, delayed rains, and insecurity. However, overall Sudan is less severely affected by the drought than other countries in the Horn of Africa. Forecasts from the Drought Monitoring Center in Nairobi predict near normal rains from May until July of this year. Despite a relatively favorable current situation, however, adequate rainfall will be essential to prolonging the stable situation (U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), "East Africa; Information On The Drought In The Horn Of Africa," Africa News, May 18, 2000, L/N).

The US response:


        Sudan is in a midst of a political struggle for control (in the Islamic North) between President Umar al-Bashir and Dr Hasan al-Turabi, the secretary-general of the National Congress Party. While many fear an impending coup, few have determined how to stop that. Sudan is also engaged in a long civil war between the Islamic north and the Christian South whose funding has been reinvigorated by European and Canadian investment in Sudanese Oil pipelines. Unfortunately, this interest in oil has reinvigorated many human rights violations by the current government. The May 11, 2000 edition of The Ottawa Citizen reported that:

Last week, as shareholders of Calgary-based Talisman Energy debated the company's controversial operations in Sudan, Amnesty International released a report on oil in Sudan. Since early 1999, says the report, Sudanese government forces ''have used ground attacks, helicopter gunships and indiscriminate high-altitude bombardment to clear the local population from oil-rich areas.'' In the area surrounding the Talisman oil fields ''troops reportedly drove people out of their homes by committing gross human rights violations; male villagers were killed in mass executions; women and children were nailed to trees with iron spikes.'' These findings reaffirm, in graphic terms, those of the UN rapporteur on Sudan and of John Harker, the Canadian envoy sent to Sudan in 1999 to investigate the role of oil in the conflict.

The human rights violations in southern Sudan do not end with the involvement of oil; southern Sudanese (predominantly womyn and children) have been enslaved, trafficked, and bought. Macleans reported about these horrors on April 10:

It is also a very dirty affair, even by the woeful standards of modern warfare. The strife in Sudan has revived an ancient African scourge -- a slave trade has taken root once again on the continent as a direct result of the war. Human beings, mostly women and children, are suffering kidnapping, forced labour, physical punishment and rape. At the dawn of the 21st century, people are being ruthlessly trafficked, bought and sold like the Nuer's long-horned cattle or the ubiquitous goats that roam Sudan's grassy plain. "The proof is incontrovertible," insists Hamouda Fathelrahman, secretary general of the Sudan Human Rights Organization. "Thousands of people, perhaps tens of thousands, have been enslaved and are being enslaved at this very moment."

The fighting is not only based upon the difference in religion but also in ethnicity and race. Uganda has attempted to support the southern Sudanese and has endured repeated attacks and bombings within their major cities. The usage of resources to fund the civil war is also having a horrific effect upon food supplies and the nation's infrastructure and ability to deliver food. The World Food Program estimates that nearly two million Sudanese could face starvation if new programs to deliver food aren't enacted. Unfortunately, early the may 11 international aid organizations that were working to combat hunger in the Sudan have left due to conflicts with the government (NYT 5-2-00).
        While many cases could deal with mediation, starvation prevention, or intervention into Sudan, others could examine health and human rights within the country. Female Genital Mutilation is still practiced within Northern Sudan and the UNAIDs report on HIV/AIDs rates (
www.aids.africa.com) states that approximately 1% of people have reported HIV infection. With displacement of people in camps in Southern Sudan and forced integration of people into new communities, many estimate that the rates of transmission are headed for a new leap.

ADDITIONAL SUDAN RESOURCES

Chemical Weapons in the Sudan. The Non-Proliferation Review , Fall 1998
http://www.cns.miis.edu/pubs/npr/barlet61.htm

African Rights Working for Justice - Africa's problems seen from an African perspective 
http://www.unimondo.org/AfricanRights/

Sudan in crisis : the failure of democracy / G. Norman Anderson.  Author: Anderson, G. Norman. Date of Publication: 1999

Sudan's predicament : civil war, displacement and ecological degradation / edited by Girma Kebbede.  Date of Publication: 1999

Inside Sudan : political Islam, conflict, and catastrophe / Donald Petterson. 
Author: Petterson, Donald. Date of Publication: 1999

Civil wars in Africa : roots and resolution / edited by Taisier M. Ali and Robert O. Matthews. 
Date of Publication: 1999

Compassion fatigue : how the media sell disease, famine, war, and death / Susan D. Moeller. 
Author: Moeller, Susan D. Date of Publication: 1999

The Sudan : contested national identities / Ann Mosely Lesch. 
Author: Lesch, Ann Mosely. Date of Publication: 1998

Losing place : refugee populations and rural transformations in East Africa / Johnathan Bascom. 
Author: Bascom, Johnathan. Date of Publication: 1998

The Sudan Foundation
http://www.sufo.demon.co.uk/

Sudan Homepage
http://webzone1.co.uk/www/sudan/

Sudan InfoNet
http://members.tripod.com/~SudanInfonet/

Sudan Net
http://www.sudan.net/

Sudan News and Views
http://www.sas.upenn.edu/African_Studies/Newsletters/SNV_Main.html

Sudan : the reconquest reappraised / edited by Edward M. Spiers. 
Date of Publication: 1998

Making a living in rural Sudan : production of women, labour migration of men, and policies for peasants' needs / Elke Grawert. 
Author: Grawert, Elke. Date of Publication: 1998

Middle Eastern women and the invisible economy / edited by Richard A. Lobban, Jr. ; foreword by Elizabeth W. Fernea.  Date of Publication: 1998

Human rights and religion : the case of the Sudan : papers presented at the Conference on the Situation of Human Rights in the Sudan, Turku/Åbo, Finland, 13-14 April 1996, with some additional materials / edited by Suvikki Silvennoinen and Markku Suksi. 
Author: Conference on the Situation of Human Rights in the Sudan (1996 : Turku, Finland) Date of Publication: 1997

Famine crimes : politics & the disaster relief industry in Africa / Alex De Waal. 
Author: De Waal, Alexander. Date of Publication: 1997

Between a swamp and a hard place : developmental challenges in remote rural Africa / David C. Cole, Richard Huntington ; with an afterword by Francis Mading Deng. 
Author: Cole, David Chamberlin, 1928- Date of Publication: 1997

Managing ethnic conflict in Africa : pressures and incentives for cooperation / Donald Rothchild. 
Author: Rothchild, Donald S. Date of Publication: 1997

Politics and Islam in contemporary Sudan / Abdel Salam Sidahmed. 
Author: Sidahmed, Abdel Salam. Date of Publication: 1996

People on the edge in the Horn : displacement, land use & the environment in the Gedaref Region, Sudan / Gaim Kibreab. 
Author: Kibreab, Gaim. Date of Publication: 1996

Gender politics in Sudan : Islamism, socialism, and the state / Sondra Hale. 
Author: Hale, Sondra. Date of Publication: 1996

War of visions : conflict of identities in the Sudan / Francis M. Deng. 
Author: Deng, Francis Mading, 1938- Date of Publication: 1995

Facing genocide : the Nuba of Sudan / African Rights 
Date of Publication: 1995

Rivers of blood : a comparative study of government massacres / Brenda K. Uekert. 
Author: Uekert, Brenda K. Date of Publication: 1995

Holy hatred : religious conflicts of the '90s / James A. Haught. 
Author: Haught, James A. Date of Publication: 1995

War and drought in Sudan : essays on population displacement / edited by Eltigani E. Eltigani. 
Date of Publication: 1995

Requiem for the Sudan : war, drought, and disaster relief on the Nile / J. Millard Burr and Robert O. Collins. 
Author: Burr, Millard. Date of Publication: 1995

TANZANIA
(Meg Miedel, Primary Author)

The problems in Tanzania are apparent in every facet of life there. The most apparent is the three year drought that has devastated the Horn of Africa. This drought has destroyed crops and cattle and left emaciated adults to care for children, five of whom die every day from some type of disease. The economic situation is less than promising. The government spends four times as much on repaying massive debts as it does on education and health combined. The situation is getting worse and the government is being forced to make more extensive cuts. The IMF and World Bank have been adjusting the economy to pay off the debt, but none of the efforts have been successful. President Clinton's efforts at forgiving the debts have been deadlocked in Congress and hopes for any future relief are fading quickly.
The UN Food and Agriculture Organization has reported there are five hundred tons of decomposing, banned or unwanted pesticides in the country, dumped at over a hundred different sites. The pesticides are stored in inadequate containers and include such compounds as DDT which pose serious risks to the environment and public health.
The issues of equality are nearly non-existant in Tanzania. The culture dictates that Womyn are property; they marry young (the average age is 15) and are expected to bear children without complaint. The lack of pre-natal and post-partum care, as well as cultural attitudes surrounding childbirth, have lead to the death rate during birth (800 per 100,000 births). AIDS is also a major health problem, with 940,000 deaths through 1997.
In 1994, ethnic violence in the neighboring countries of Rwanda and Burundi caused hundreds of thousands to flee to Tanzania; the camps still house 310,000 refugees. The recent civil war in Burundi has caused 32,000 more to cross the border, triggering an aid crisis. Many of these new refugees are infected with malaria. The Tanzanian police require cars to ride with armed escorts along the border and locals fear for their lives.

ADDITIONAL TANZANIA RESOURCES

Articles

John Briggs, Davis Mwamfupe. Peri-urban Development in an Era of Structural Adjustment in Africa: The City of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Urban Studies, 2000 (Vol. 37, No. 4).

AXEL HARNEIT-SIEVERS. HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA. The Journal of African History, 2000 (Vol. 41, No. 1

Lisa Richey. Family planning and the politics of population in Tanzania: international to local discourse. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 1999 (Vol. 37, No. 3

John A. Harrington. Between the state and civil society: medical discipline in Tanzania. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 1999 (Vol. 37, No. 2).

Svenkerud, P. J., Rao, N., and Rogers, E. M. Mass media effects through interpersonal communication: the role of "Twende na Wakati" on the adoption of HIV/AIDS prevention in Tanzania. Communication Abstracts, 1999 (Vol. 22, No. 3).

Journals

Africa Confidential
Africa Research Bulletin:Political, Social and Cultural Series
The Journal of Modern African Studies
Africa Today
African Affairs
African Development Foundation

Books

Agencies in Foreign Aid : Comparing China, Sweden, and the United States in Tanzania
by Goran Hyden (Editor), Rwekaza Sympho Mukandala (Editor

Changing the Rules : The Politics of Liberalization and the Urban Informal Economy in Tanzania
by Aili Mari Tripp. Hardcover (February 1997)

Contending Theories of Development in the Contemporary International Order/Disorder : Lessons from Kenya and Tanzania
by Mulugeta Agonafer

The New Global Economy and Developing Countries : Making Openness Work (Policy Essay, No. 24)
by Dani Rodrik

Globalization and Its Discontents
by Saskia Sassen, Kwame Anthony Appiah

Globalization and the Postcolonial World : The New Political Economy of Development
by Ankie Hoogvelt

A Plague of Paradoxes: AIDS, Culture, and Demography in Northern Tanzania
Philip W. Setel,Philp Setel

US as Actor

        Our argument is that the United States should continue to be the actor, and we are not relying on a simple appeal to tradition. Instead, there are several other considerations. The first is that the United States has the ability to be an influential actor on the African continent. As Donald Rothchild argues:

Although many African and non-African countries, individually or in coalition with each others, have interceded in internal conflict situations on the continent, the United States stand out as a key actor in such undertakings in the contemporary period. This circumstance reflects the U.S. government's command of substantial material resources, extensive military and logistical capacity and perception of global interests in a stable political environment. When it brings pressure to bear on a conflict, it can change the incentives of local actors to break peace accords. The overall effect is to reduce the uncertainty about the transition to a durable peace (Donald Rothchild, Africa in World Politics, 2000, p. 160-161).

The U.S. also has a need to help on the African continent. Tom Mshindi explains the US's obligation and need to be of assistance:

But this promise and evidence can hardly start the wave of activities and events one wants to see for and in Africa if the continent is to inspire fresh hope that it will at some point soon live up to its immense promise. Critically, the rest of the world - particularly, the United States must discard the Amerocentric blinkers through which it views everyone else, especially Africa. Particularly galling is the hypocrisy it continually exhibits when confronted with nettlesome problems in Africa.

US must lead the rest of the world to deal honestly with Africa. It is pathetic for donor countries to avail $302 million in 1999 (US contribution $147 million) for Africa's Aids prevention programmes, which require between $2 billion and $3 billion annually. It is scandalous for the US to refuse to fully support an international effort to enforce peace in Sierra Leone (estimated cost of $1 million a day) and yet cursorily spend between $20 and $40 million a day in the 68-day campaign in Kosovo.

Equally outrageous are the thinly veiled attempts to reintroduce trade protectionism targeting goods produced in Third World countries through conventions lurking in the voluminous statutes in the World Trade Organisation conventions (Tom Mshindi, "Africa-at-Large; A Continent Many Have Lost Hope Over," Africa News, May 21, 2000, L/N).

Mshindi goes on to note:

Africa, of course, is not innocent. Most of its leaders are guilty of duplicitous hypocrisy and patronage. Leaders are not constrained by pulls and demands of family and village. Countries like Kenya, Zimbabwe, Nigeria and Senegal had the potential to lead the way to prosperity. They did not, and the external world is part of the con that saw dictators come in and thrive.

Directly or indirectly, the major world powers have had a direct hand in the political affairs of virtually every African country. If the leaders they had supported invested the little available resources wisely and enforced the rule of law as vigorously as they looted and stole, Africa would not have become the basket case it is at the moment.

Belated attempts to instill fiscal discipline in these states through the disastrous structural adjustment policies have failed. Fabricated in the Washington boardrooms of the World Bank and the IMF and implemented in a most haphazard manner, the policies shredded whatever little social and economic progress had been achieved.

Many countries are literally flattened by an impossible foreign debt burden, with hardly any infrastructure; broken-down education systems, inoperative health delivery systems, basic services are in a shambles, etc. Primary school enrolments in countries which once boasted almost universal numbers are declining, as in Kenya, Zimbabwe and Zambia.

The donor community has failed - the rich US being the worst offender - to meet the obligation they signed in 1970 to contribute at least 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to overseas development assistance. Their proposals for debt relief appear to exist only in word, only on paper (Tom Mshindi, "Africa-at-Large; A Continent Many Have Lost Hope Over," Africa News, May 21, 2000, L/N).

Mshindi concludes:

What is needed is honest dealing. The people of Africa must take the initiative to redeem their lot, but they need help. The international community, especially the US, must give generously to Africa's causes that have nothing to do with poor governance. They also must support strongly and consistently progressive elements that seek change. Allow the interests of Africa to define criteria and level of assistance.

There are many in Africa and outside who will be happy to give their all to the continent if they are convinced that the moment is right and there is help (Tom Mshindi, "Africa-at-Large; A Continent Many Have Lost Hope Over," Africa News, May 21, 2000, L/N).

These two arguments conjoined indicate the United States has the ability to influence and "solve" some problems on the African continent and have the moral and "legal" obligation to do so.
        Some will argue that we should have another actor. However, I find that argument to be unpersuasive. There is little evidence that indicates another actor could "solve" a wide range of problems (even the literature on the OAU for example indicate there is much distrust and little ability for the organization to be an effective regional actor). More importantly, actor (agent) counterplans seem to check the notion anyway.

Action to be Taken

        Considering the problems facing the Greater Horn of Africa and the argument the United States Federal Government should be the actor, the only viable action to be taken is some form of "development assistance." Since that is the case, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) must implement the action. From USAID:

The U.S Agency for International Development is the U.S. federal government agency that implements America's foreign economic and humanitarian assistance programs. USAID's history goes back to the Marshall Plan reconstruction of Europe after World War Two and the Truman Administration's Point Four Program. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy signed the Foreign Assistance Act into law and created by executive order USAID.

Since that time, USAID has been the principal U.S. agency to extend assistance to countries recovering from disaster, trying to escape poverty, and engaging in democratic reforms.

USAID is an independent federal government agency that receives overall foreign policy guidance from the Secretary of State. The agency works in six principal areas crucial to achieving both sustainable development and advancing U.S. foreign policy objectives:


The problem with "development assistance" is that it is an incredibly large term; the six policy objectives that are outlined above include a tremendous amount of programs. Our argument is that parts of development assistance ought to be included in the topic. Our suggestion, based on the particular issues faces by the peoples within the Greater Horn, is to focus on "Population, health and nutrition;" "Democracy and governance;" and "Economic growth and agricultural development."
        "Population, health and nutrition" focuses on Population, HIV/AIDS, Child Survival, and Nutrition & Maternal Health (http://www.info.usaid.gov/pop_health/). "Democracy and governance" focuses on:

America's strategic long-term domestic and foreign policy objectives are best served by enlarging the community of democratic nations worldwide. Establishing democratic institutions, free and open markets, an informed and educated populace, a vibrant civil society, and a relationship between state and society that encourages pluralism, participation, and peaceful conflict resolution -- all of these contribute to the goal of establishing sustainable democracies (http://www.info.usaid.gov/democracy/dgso.html).

Increasing economic growth consists of (according to USAID):

Broad-based economic growth is the most effective means of bringing poor, disadvantaged, and marginalized groups into the mainstream of an economy. The key to broad-based growth and reduced poverty is a sound and stable policy environment that promotes opportunity for all members of society. Policy reform activities are active in five functional areas: economic policy, privatization, general business, trade and investment, legal and institutional reform, and the financial sector. Microenterprise development is being achieved through the expansion in the deliveryof financial and non-financial services for microentrepreneurs, spreading the benefits of economic growth to a broader population.

These three areas leave affirmatives with a wide variety of potential programs which can help "solve" for many of the issues facing the Greater Horn of Africa.

Potential Topics

        We suggest the following topics:

Resolved: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its development assistance to promote democracy and/or health and nutrition within the Greater Horn of Africa.

Resolved: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its development assistance to promote democracy and/or health and nutrition to Burundi, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia/Somaliland, Sudan, Tanzania, and/or Uganda.

Resolved: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its development assistance to promote democracy and/or economic growth within the Greater Horn of Africa.

Resolved: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its development assistance to promote democracy and/or economic growth to Burundi, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia/Somaliland, Sudan, Tanzania, and/or Uganda.

Resolved: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its development assistance to promote health and nutrition and/or economic growth within the Greater Horn of Africa.

Resolved: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its development assistance to promote health and nutrition and/or economic growth to Burundi, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia/Somaliland, Sudan, Tanzania, and/or Uganda.

Conclusion

        
Anyone of these topics can be excellent for the upcoming debate year. Any of the three topics would leave affirmatives with a substantial amount of ground, yet would be pretty predictable. The word "its" in each of the resolutions serves as a check; the affirmatives would have to be similar to what the U.S. had done in the past under that part of USAID. Some people might argue the wording would make topicality dependent on solvency, but that isn't true. Instead, it is merely predicated on past U.S. actions. The word substantially is a minimal check, but one that seems to be necessary and perhaps even arguable to try and minimize small cases.
        Of course, negative ground is wide and varied. The political process links will be amazing; the U.S. Congress hates Africa for the most part. Agent counterplans will also be easy to find; Canada and the EU are doing much in Africa, for example. Kritik/criticism ground will be fertile to say the least; neo-colonialism, criticism of boundaries, feminist criticism of international relations, race criticisms, and so on will certainly be argued under any of these topics. There is also substantial generic case debate that can be made in terms of the ability of USAID and the U.S. government to be a legitimate and effective actor. Also, case debate will be very vibrant in terms of the efficacy of democracy promotion, the justification for economic development, and/or health and nutrition aid. Negatives should have a number of varied strategies, both generic and specific.
        We recognize the difficulty in wording topics, and we invite criticism and suggestions. We have taken into account a variety of perspectives in trying to develop resolutions. We wish the topic committee well, and are confident they will do a wonderful job in crafting resolutions for the 2000-2001 debate season, and we look forward to hosting the 2001 CEDA National Debate Tournament with that topic.